The link between urbanization, “involuntary” migration, and homelessness was first recognized in the Vancouver Declaration (United Nations, 1976). Nearly 50 years and two Habitat conferences later, public authorities still fail to address this issue adequately. Indeed, access to housing for refugees+—whose migratory paths or administrative situations make them more vulnerable to rights violations and socioeconomic precariousness—has worsened in many cities in the Global North, including Lyon and Vancouver. In both European and North American contexts, the visibility of homelessness—in the sense of being “easily” identifiable in public spaces, not in terms of social visibility (Honneth, 2004)—has long been associated with the image of an isolated, often intoxicated man (Brodiez-Dolino, 2018) . While more diverse representations of homelessness have emerged over time and now include families, younger, female, or ethnically diverse profiles (Mouton et al., 2023 ; Wong, 2023) , a large portion of homelessness still remains invisible.
Those who are less identifiable in public spaces or do not fit into stereotypical categories of the most marginalized or the radically different Other—making them more familiar—remain unnoticed and uncounted.
Forms of “hidden homelessness,” as labelled by policy-makers, academics or activists (COH, 2012; FEANTSA, 2002; Francis & Hiebert, 2014; Pleace & Hermans, 2020; Statistics Canada, 2023) are particularly difficult to observe, quantify, and map . How can we bring to light the many facets of hidden homelessness among refugees+? What are the implications for refugees+, social work and public policy? A “most-different” comparative research design is relevant for answering these questions, as it allows us to highlight similarities not tied to local or national contexts. In fact, this research invites us to reconsider “hidden homelessness” and view it as an outcome of “invisibilization” mechanisms rather than as a specific type of housing exclusion.
